1、2001 Passage 1 Specialisation can be seen as a response to the problem of an increasing accumulation of scientific knowledge. By splitting up the subject matter into smaller units, one man could continue to handle the information and use it as the basis for further research. But specialisation was o
2、nly one of a series of related developments in science affecting the process of communication. Another was the growing professionalisation of scientific activity. No clear-cut distinction can be drawn between professionals and amateurs in science: exceptions can be found to any rule. Nevertheless, t
3、he word “amateur“ does carry a connotation that the person concerned is not fully integrated into the scientific community and, in particular, may not fully share its values. The growth of specialisation in the nineteenth century, with its consequent requirement of a longer, more complex training, i
4、mplied greater problems for amateur participation in science. The trend was naturally most obvious in those areas of science based especially on a mathematical or laboratory training, and can be illustrated in terms of the development of geology in the United Kingdom. A comparison of British geologi
5、cal publications over the last century and a half reveals not simply an increasing emphasis on the primacy of research, but also a changing definition of what constitutes an acceptable research paper. Thus, in the nineteenth century, local geological studies represented worthwhile research in their
6、own right; but, in the twentieth century, local studies have increasingly become acceptable to professionals only if they incorporate, and reflect on, the wider geological picture. Amateurs, on the other hand, have continued to pursue local studies in the old way. The overall result has been to make
7、 entrance to professional geological journals harder for amateurs, a result that has been reinforced by the widespread introduction of refereeing, first by national journals in the nineteenth century and then by several local geological journals in the twentieth century. As a logical consequence of
8、this development, separate journals have now appeared aimed mainly towards either professional or amateur readership. A rather similar process of differentiation has led to professional geologists coming together nationally within one or two specific societies, where as the amateurs have tended eith
9、er to remain in local societies or to come together nationally in a different way. Although the process of professionalisation and specialisation was already well under way in British geology during the nineteenth century, its full consequences were thus delayed until the twentieth century. In scien
10、ce generally, however, the nineteenth century must be reckoned as the crucial period for this change in the structure of science. 专业化可被视为针对科学知识不断膨胀这个问题所做出的反应。通过将学科细化，个人能够继续处理这些不断膨胀的信息并将它们作为深入研究的基础。但是专业化仅是科学领域内一系列影响交流过程的有关现象之一。另一现象是科学活动的日益职业化。 在科学领域内，专业与业余之间没有绝对的区分：任何规律都有其例外。但是“业余”这个词的确具有特殊的含义，那就是所指的
11、那个人没有完全融入某个科学家群体，具体地说，他可能并不完全认同这个群体的价值观。世纪的专业化的发展，以及随之而来的对训练的长期性和复杂性的要求，对业余人员进入科学界造成了更大的困难。特别是在以数学和实验室训练为基础的科学领域，这种倾向自然尤为明显，这可以通过英国的地质学发展过程得到证实。对过去一个半世纪的英国地质出版物进行比较，我们不但发现人们对研究的重视程度在不断增加，而且人们对可以接受的论文的定义也在不断变化。因此，在 19 世纪，局部的地质研究本身就可形成一种有价值的研究；而到了 20世纪，如果局部的研究能够被专业人员接受，那么它越来越倾向于必须体现或思考更广阔的地质面貌。另一方面业余人
12、员继续以旧的方式从事局部的研究。其整体的结果是使业余人员进入专业性地质学杂志更加困难，而审稿制度的全面引进使这个结果得到加强，这一制度开始是在 19 世纪的全国性杂志进行，进入 20 世纪后也在一些地方性地质杂志实行。这样发展的必然结果是出现了针对专业读者和业余读者的不同杂志。类似的分化过程也导致专业地质学家聚集起来，形成一两个全国性的团体，而业余地质学家则要么留在地方性团体中，要么以不同方式组成全国性的团体。 虽然职业化和专业化过程在 19 世纪的英国地质学界中已经得到迅速发展，但是它的效果直到 20 世纪才充分显示出来。然而，从科学这个整体来看，19世纪必须被视为科学结构发生变化的关键时期
13、。 2001 Passage 2 A great deal of attention is being paid today to the so-called digital divide the division of the world into the info(information) rich and the info poor. And that divide does exist today. My wife and I lectured about this looming danger twenty years ago. What was less visible then,
14、 however, were the new, positive forces that work against the digital divide. There are reasons to be optimistic. There are technological reasons to hope the digital divide will narrow. As the Internet becomes more and more commercialized, it is in the interest of business to universalize access aft
15、er all, the more people online, the more potential customers there are. More and more governments, afraid their countries will be left behind, want to spread Internet access. Within the next decade or two, one to two billion people on the planet will be netted together. As a result, I now believe th
16、e digital divide will narrow rather than widen in the years ahead. And that is very good news because the Internet may well be the most powerful tool for combating world poverty that weve ever had. Of course, the use of the Internet isnt the only way to defeat poverty. And the Internet is not the on
17、ly tool we have. But it has enormous potential. To take advantage of this tool, some impoverished countries will have to get over their outdated anti-colonial prejudices with respect to foreign investment. Countries that still think foreign investment is an invasion of their sovereignty might well s
18、tudy the history of infrastructure (the basic structural foundations of a society) in the United States. When the United States built its industrial infrastructure, it didnt have the capital to do so. And that is why Americas Second Wave infrastructure including roads, harbors, highways, ports and s
19、o on were built with foreign investment. The English, the Germans, the Dutch and the French were investing in Britains former colony. They financed them. Immigrant Americans built them. Guess who owns them now? The Americans. I believe the same thing would be true in places like Brazil or anywhere e
20、lse for that matter. The more foreign capital you have helping you build your Third Wave infrastructure, which today is an electronic infrastructure, the better off youre going to be. That doesnt mean lying down and becoming fooled, or letting foreign corporations run uncontrolled. But it does mean
21、recognizing how important they can be in building the energy and telecom infrastructures needed to take full advantage of the Internet. 今天，人们十分关注所谓的是信息差异问题世界上信息资源丰富的地区和信息资源贫乏的地区之间的差异；这个差异确实存在，我和我妻子 20 年前就曾谈及这个临近的危险。然而，那时还不太明显的是一些抵制信息差异的、新的积极因素。实际上我们是完全有理由感到乐观的。 一些技术上的因素使我们有理由期望差异会缩小。随着互联网的日趋商业化，上网普及
22、对商家是有利的毕竟，上网人数越多，潜在的客户就越多。越来越多的政府，惟恐自己的国家落后，纷纷推广互联网的普及。一二十年之内，全球将有一二十亿人互联。因此，我认为在未来的数年中，信息差异将缩小而不会变大。那是好消息，因为互联网很可能成为我们消除所面临的贫困的最强有效的工具。 当然，使用互联网不是惟一消灭贫困的方法。互联网也不是我们所拥有的惟一工具，但它却有巨大的潜力。 要想利用互联网，某些贫困国家必须克服对国外投资所持的过时了的反殖民的种种偏见。那些认为外国投资是对本国主权的侵犯的国家最好还是研究一下美国的基础设施（社会的基本结构基础）建设历史。当初美国建设自己的工业基础设施时，缺乏必要的资金，
23、因此美国的第二次浪潮基础设施包括公路、港口，高速公路、港口城市等等都是用国外资金建造的。英国人、德国人、荷兰人和法国人都在前英国殖民地投资。他们提供资金，美洲移民建造。想想看，现在谁拥有这一切？美国人。我想，在这件事上，像巴西或其他任何地方同样也该这样。你拥有的去建造第三次浪潮基础设施（今天主要指电子基础设施）的外国资金越多，那么你的情况就越好。这并不是说卑躬屈膝，任人愚弄，也不是对外国公司不加控制。但这的确意味着你已认识到外国公司对本国能源及通信基础设施建设的重要性，这些基础设施是充分利用互联网所必要的。 2001 Passage 3 Why do so many Americans dis
24、trust what they read in their newspapers? The American Society of Newspaper Editors is trying to answer this painful question. The organization is deep into a long self-analysis known as the journalism credibility project. Sad to say, this project has turned out to be mostly low-level findings about
25、 factual errors and spelling and grammar mistakes, combined with lots of head-scratching puzzlement about what in the world those readers really want. But the sources of distrust go way deeper. Most journalists learn to see the world through a set of standard templates (patterns) into which they plu
26、g each days events. In other words, there is a conventional story line in the newsroom culture that provides a backbone and a ready-made narrative structure for otherwise confusing news. There exists a social and cultural disconnect between journalists and their readers, which helps explain why the
27、“standard templates“ of the newsroom seem alien to many readers. In a recent survey, questionnaires were sent to reporters in five middle size cities around the country, plus one large metropolitan area. Then residents in these communities were phoned at random and asked the same questions. Replies
28、show that compared with other Americans, journalists are more likely to live in upscale neighborhoods, have maids, own Mercedeses, and trade stocks, and theyre less likely to go to church, do volunteer work, or put down roots in a community. Reporters tend to be part of a broadly defined social and
29、cultural elite, so their work tends to reflect the conventional values of this elite. The astonishing distrust of the news media isnt rooted in inaccuracy or poor reportorial skills but in the daily clash of world views between reporters and their readers. This is an explosive situation for any indu
30、stry, particularly a declining one. Here is a troubled business that keeps hiring employees whose attitudes vastly annoy the customers. Then it sponsors lots of symposiums and a credibility project dedicated to wondering why customers are annoyed and fleeing in large numbers. But it never seems to g
31、et around to noticing the cultural and class biases that so many former buyers are complaining about. If it did, it would open up its diversity program, now focused narrowly on race and gender, and look for reporters who differ broadly by outlook, values, education, and class. 为什么那么多美国人不相信自己在报纸上看到的东
32、西？美国新闻编辑协会正试图回答这个痛苦的问题。该组织正深深陷入一个长期的自我剖析过程，即新闻可信度调查项目。 遗憾的是，这次新闻机构可信度调查计划结果只获得了一些肤浅的发现，诸如新闻报道中的事实错误，拼写或语法错误，和这些低层次发现交织在一起的还有许多令人挠头的困惑，譬如读者到底想读些什么。 但这种对媒体的不信任有更深刻的根源。多数新闻记者都学着用一套标准的模式去看待世界，并把每天发生的事件纳入这种模式。换言之，在媒介机构的新闻采编室文化中存在着一套约定俗成的写作模式，为纷繁复杂的新闻报道提供了一个主干框架和一个现成的故事叙述结构。 新闻记者和读者之间存在着社会和文化方面的脱节，这就是为什么新
33、闻编辑室的“标准模式 ”与众多读者的意趣相差甚远的原因。在最近一次调查中，问卷被送到了全国五座中等城市及一座大都市的记者手中，然后随机地给这些城市的居民打电话，问他们同样的问题。 结果表明，与其他美国人相比，新闻记者更有可能居住在富人区，有女佣，有奔驰车，炒股，而他们去教堂，参加支援服务，扎根社区的可能性却很小。 记者们往往属于广义的社会文化精英的一个部分，因此他们的工作往往反映了这些精英传统的价值观。读者对新闻媒介令人震惊的不信任的根源并非是报道失实或低下的报道技巧，而是记者与读者的世界观每天都发生着碰撞。 这对任何一个工业产业来说都算是爆炸性的形势，对于一个正在衰落的行业来说尤其如此。这是
34、一个棘手的行业，却不断地雇用观点总体上使客户恼怒的雇员。然后它又出资组织研讨会和可信度调查项目，去探究为什么顾客们恼火了，为什么会有那么多人逃避新闻。但它似乎从来就没回过头来去注意那么多以前的顾客所抱怨的文化和阶级偏见。如果它能注意这个问题的话，它就应该进一步开放其多样化项目（这个项目现在还只单纯考虑招收不同种族和性别的员工） ，进一步寻找那些世界观、价值观、教育水平和社会阶层各不相同的各种记者。 2001 Passage 4 The world is going through the biggest wave of mergers and acquisitions ever witness
35、ed. The process sweeps from hyperactive America to Europe and reaches the emerging countries with unsurpassed might. Many in these countries are looking at this process and worrying: “Wont the wave of business concentration turn into an uncontrollable anti-competitive force?“ Theres no question that
36、 the big are getting bigger and more powerful. Multinational corporations accounted for less than 20% of international trade in 1982. Today the figure is more than 25% and growing rapidly. International affiliates account for a fast-growing segment of production in economies that open up and welcome
37、 foreign investment. In Argentina, for instance, after the reforms of the early 1990s, multinationals went from 43% to almost 70% of the industrial production of the 200 largest firms. This phenomenon has created serious concerns over the role of smaller economic firms, of national businessmen and o
38、ver the ultimate stability of the world economy. I believe that the most important forces behind the massive M there are newsletters, such as The Tightwad Gazette, that give hundreds of thousands of Americans useful tips on anything from recycling their cling-film to making their own soap; there are
39、 even support groups for those who want to achieve the mid-90s equivalent of dropping out. While in America the trend started as a reaction to the economic decline after the mass redundancies caused by downsizing in the late 80s and is still linked to the politics of thrift, in Britain, at least amo
40、ng the middle class downshifters of my acquaintance, we have different reasons for seeking to simplify our lives.For the women of my generation who were urged to keep juggling through the 80s, downshifting in the mid-90s is not so much a search for the mythical good life growing your own organic veg
41、etables, and risking turning into one as a personal recognition of your limitations. 当我决定辞去自己的全日制工作时决没有想到，自己竟成了一种新的国际性潮流的一分子。一次平级的人事调动伤了我的自尊心，并阻断了我的事业发展，这促使我放弃自己地位较高的职业，当然，就像面子扫尽的政府部长那样，我也掩饰说“ 我只想与家人更多的呆在一起 ”。 奇怪的是，大约两年半的时间我写完两部小说后，我这个被美国人称为“放慢生活节奏 ”的试验，却使我老掉牙的借口变成了现实。我已从一个“获得一切”哲学（琳达 凯茜过去七年中在 她这本杂志
42、所宣扬的）的狂热支持者，变成了一个乐于接受任何东西只要一丁点的女人。 我已经发现（由于压力过大，凯茜已多次公开宣称要辞去她杂志编辑的职务，在这之后她也许会有同样发现） ，放弃“ 忙忙碌碌” 的生活哲学，转而过一种“放慢生活节奏 ”的生活所带来的回报，比经济成功和社会地位更有价值。什么也说服不了我回到过去那种凯茜所宣扬的、我也曾自得其乐的生活中去：每天 12 小时的工作日，压得人喘不过气来的最后期限，可怕而紧张的办公室的争权夺利，以及因为时间有限连做母亲也得“高效率 ”所造成的种种限制。 在美国，摆脱忙碌，转而过一种简单、不大物质化的生活已成明确趋势。具有讽刺意味的是， “放慢生活节奏 ”在美国
43、也称 “自愿简单化”甚至孕育了一个崭新的、可称之为反消费主义的生活方式。对于那些想简单生活的人来说，有许多很畅销的帮你轻松生活的自助书籍；有各种简讯，例如省钱简报，会给美国人提供成千上万条有用的点子去做事，从回收保鲜腊到自制肥皂；甚至还有一些帮助团体，帮人按 90 年代中期脱离传统社会的人的生活方式去生活。在美国，这种趋势一开始是对经济衰落所做出的一种反应出现于 80年代后期缩小经济规模所引起的大量人员冗余之后在英国，至少在我所认识的中产阶级的简化生活者中，这种趋势仍被认为与节俭政治有关联，虽然如此，然而我们有着不同的缘由去寻求使自己的生活简单化。 对我们这一代女性来说，整个 80 年代我们曾
44、被迫忙碌地生活，90 年代中期的简化生活与其说是寻求神话般的好生活自己种有机蔬菜以及冒险制造有机蔬菜倒不如说我们都认识了自身的局限。 2000 Passage 1 A history of long and effortless success can be a dreadful handicap, but, if properly handled, it may become a driving force. When the United States entered just such a glowing period after the end of the Second World
45、War, it had a market eight times larger than any competitor, giving its industries unparalleled economies of scale. Its scientists were the worlds best, its workers the most skilled. America and Americans were prosperous beyond the dreams of the Europeans and Asians whose economies the war had destr
46、oyed. It was inevitable that this primacy should have narrowed as other countries grew richer. Just as inevitably, the retreat from predominance proved painful. By the mid-1980s Americans had found themselves at a loss over their fading industrial competitiveness. Some huge American industries, such
47、 as consumer electronics, had shrunk or vanished in the face of foreign competition. By 1987 there was only one American television maker left, Zenith. (Now there is none: Zenith was bought by South Koreas LG Electronics in July.) Foreign-made cars and textiles were sweeping into the domestic market
48、. Americas machine-tool industry was on the ropes. For a while it looked as though the making of semiconductors, which America had invented and which sat at the heart of the new computer age, was going to be the next casualty.All of this caused a crisis of confidence. Americans stopped taking prospe
49、rity for granted. They began to believe that their way of doing business was failing, and that their incomes would therefore shortly begin to fall as well. The mid-1980s brought one inquiry after another into the causes of Americas industrial decline. Their sometimes sensational findings were filled with warnings about the growing competition from overseas.How things have changed! In 1995 the United States can look back on five years of solid growth while Japan has been struggling. Few Americans attribute this solely to such obvious
