1、撒切尔夫人布鲁日大学演讲译文Prime Minister, Rector, Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen: 总理先生，校长先生，各位阁下，女士们先生们：First, may I thank you for giving me the opportunity to return to Bruges and in very different circumstances from my last visit shortly after the Zeebrugge Ferry disaster, when Belgian courage and th
2、e devotion of your doctors and nurses saved so many British lives. 首先，请允许我感谢你们给我这个机会重返布鲁日，这次与我上次在 Zeebrugge Ferry 码头灾难不久来此已是今非昔比了，那时你们的医护人员的比利时勇气和奉献拯救了无数英国人的生命。And second, may I say what a pleasure it is to speak at the College of Europe under the distinguished leadership of its Professor Lukaszewsk
3、i Rector. The College plays a vital and increasingly important part in the life of the European Community. 第二，请允许我说在校长（Lukaszewski 教授）的杰出领导下的欧罗巴大学演讲是何等的快乐。这所大学在欧共体的生计中发挥着举足轻重并且日益重要的作用。And third, may I also thank you for inviting me to deliver my address in this magnificent hall. 第三，请允许我感谢你们邀请我在这个金碧辉
4、煌的大厅演讲。What better place to speak of Europes future than a building which so gloriously recalls the greatness that Europe had already achieved over 600 years ago. Your city of Bruges has many other historical associations for us in Britain. Geoffrey Chaucer was a frequent visitor here. 与其说这里是荣耀地回顾 6
5、00 余年来欧洲的丰功伟绩的地方，不如说是畅谈欧洲未来的地方。你们的布鲁日市与我们英国还有很多历史联系。杰弗里乔叟曾经是这里的常客。And the first book to be printed in the English language was produced here in Bruges by William Caxton . 第一本印刷版英语书就是威廉卡克斯特在布鲁日印制的。Britain and Europe英国和欧洲Mr. Chairman, you have invited me to speak on the subject of Britain and Europe.
6、Perhaps I should congratulate you on your courage. 主席先生，你邀请我阐述英国和欧洲这个话题。或许我应该感谢你的勇气。If you believe some of the things said and written about my views on Europe, it must seem rather like inviting Genghis Khan to speak on the virtues of peaceful coexistence! 如果你们相信听到或看到的一些我关于欧洲的观点，肯定和成吉思汗关于和平共处的价值的观点如
7、出一辙。I want to start by disposing of some myths about my country, Britain, and its relationship with Europe and to do that, I must say something about the identity of Europe itself. 我打算以列举几个我的祖国-英国的几个传奇以及与欧洲的关系开始，要这样我必须谈谈欧洲的民族特征。Europe is not the creation of the Treaty of Rome. Nor is the European id
8、ea the property of any group or institution. We British are as much heirs to the legacy of European culture as any other nation. Our links to the rest of Europe, the continent of Europe, have been the dominant factor in our history. 欧洲不是罗马条约的产物。欧洲理想也不是那个集团或机构的财产。我们英国和其他国家一样是欧洲文化传奇的继承人。我们与欧洲其他国家的联系，与
9、欧洲大陆的联系是我们的历史的主导因素。For three hundred years, we were part of the Roman Empire and our maps still trace the straight lines of the roads the Romans built. Our ancestorsCelts, Saxons, Danescame from the Continent.fo 1 Our nation wasin that favourite Community word“restructured“ under the Norman and Ange
10、vin rule in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. 在三百多年的时间里，我们是罗马帝国的一部分，我们的地图仍然沿袭罗马人修建的道路的直线。我们的祖先-凯尔特人，撒克逊人，丹尼斯人来自欧洲大陆。我们的国家-用人们偏爱的共同体话来讲- 是在十一和十二世纪在尼诺曼底人和安洁文人的统治下“重组的” 。This year, we celebrate the three hundredth anniversary of the glorious revolution in which the British crown passed to Prince Will
11、iam of Orange and Queen Mary . Visit the great churches and cathedrals of Britain, read our literature and listen to our language: all bear witness to the cultural riches which we have drawn from Europe and other Europeans from us. 今年，我们庆祝光荣革命三百周年。在这次革命中，英国的王冠传给了奥林奇王子威廉和玛丽王后。参观宏伟的英国的教堂和天主教堂，品读我们的文学作
12、品和聆听我们的语言：都是充满了我们从欧洲引进和欧洲其他国家从我们这里引进的文化的见证。We in Britain are rightly proud of the way in which, since Magna Carta in the year 1215, we have pioneered and developed representative institutions to stand as bastions of freedom. And proud too of the way in which for centuries Britain was a home for peop
13、le from the rest of Europe who sought sanctuary from tyranny. But we know that without the European legacy of political ideas we could not have achieved as much as we did. 我们英国人为 1215 年大宪章规划的方式感到骄傲，我们创造和发展了人民代表机构作为自由的堡垒。我们同样为几个世纪来英国成为欧洲其他国家的寻求摆脱专制的人们的乐土的方式感到骄傲。但是我们深知没有欧洲政治理想的传奇我们无法取得我们已经取得的成就。From c
14、lassical and mediaeval thought we have borrowed that concept of the rule of law which marks out a civilised society from barbarism. And on that idea of Christendom, to which the Rector referredChristendom for long synonymous with Europewith its recognition of the unique and spiritual nature of the i
15、ndividual, on that idea, we still base our belief in personal liberty and other human rights. 我们从古典和中世纪思想中获得了法治的理念，标志着从野蛮走向文明社会。我们仍然把我们对个人自由和其它人权建立在基督教-校长先生称之为一直以来是欧洲的同义词、承认个人的独一无二的和精神特性的同义词-的基础之上。Too often, the history of Europe is described as a series of interminable wars and quarrels. Yet from o
16、ur perspective today surely what strikes us most is our common experience. For instance, the story of how Europeans explored and colonisedand yes, without apologycivilised much of the world is an extraordinary tale of talent, skill and courage. 欧洲的历史经常被描述为一系列无休止的战争和争端。然而以我们今天的观点最打动我们的是我们的共同经历。例如，欧洲如
17、何开发和殖民化-是的，我们没有道歉-文明化世界的大部分的历史是天赋、技能和勇气的杰出神话。But we British have in a very special way contributed to Europe. Over the centuries we have fought to prevent Europe from falling under the dominance of a single power. We have fought and we have died for her freedom. Only miles from here, in Belgium, lie
18、 the bodies of 120,000 British soldiers who died in the First World War. 但是我们英国人以一种非常特殊的方式为欧洲做出贡献。几个世纪以来，我们一直为防止欧洲单一势力的统治而奋斗。我们为她的自由战斗和牺牲。仅仅在几英里外的比利时，就有 120,000 名在第一次世界大战中牺牲的英国军人安息在那里。Had it not been for that willingness to fight and to die, Europe would have been united long before nowbut not in li
19、berty, not in justice. It was British support to resistance movements throughout the last War that helped to keep alive the flame of liberty in so many countries until the day of liberation. Tomorrow, King Baudouin will attend a service in Brussels to commemorate the many brave Belgians who gave the
20、ir lives in service with the Royal Air Forcea sacrifice which we shall never forget. 如果没有战斗和牺牲的意愿，欧洲早就统一了-不过不是自由和公正的欧洲。是英国支持最后一场大战中的抵抗运动，帮助自由的火焰在很多国家燃烧到解放那一天。今天，博杜安国王将出席在布鲁塞尔举行的纪念众多英勇的与英国皇家空军并肩战斗而献出生命的比利时人的仪式-永远不能忘记的牺牲。And it was from our island fortress that the liberation of Europe itself was moun
21、ted. And still, today, we stand together. Nearly 70,000 British servicemen are stationed on the mainland of Europe. All these things alone are proof of our commitment to Europes future.fo 2 The European Community is one manifestation of that European identity, but it is not the only one. 正是在我们的领土上欧洲
22、解放运动建立了坚实的堡垒。今天，我们仍然并肩而立。近 70，000 名英军驻扎在欧洲大陆。仅仅这些就足以证明我们对欧洲未来的承诺。欧共体是欧洲十分的一份宣言，但是不是唯一宣言。We must never forget that east of the Iron Curtain, people who once enjoyed a full share of European culture, freedom and identity have been cut off from their roots. We shall always look on Warsaw, Prague and Bu
23、dapest as great European cities. Nor should we forget that European values have helped to make the United States of America into the valiant defender of freedom which she has become. 我们绝不能忘记东方的铁幕，曾经完全分享欧洲文化、自由和身份被斩断根脉的人们。我们应该永远视华沙、布拉格和布达佩斯为伟大的欧洲城市。我们不应忘记欧洲价值促使美利坚合众国成为今天的自由的英勇的捍卫者。Europes Future欧洲的未来
24、This is no arid chronicle of obscure facts from the dust-filled libraries of history. It is the record of nearly two thousand years of British involvement in Europe, cooperation with Europe and contribution to Europe, contribution which today is as valid and as strong as ever sic. 这不是来自尘封的历史图书馆模糊的事实
25、罗列的枯燥的编年史。它是近两千年来英国与欧洲休戚相关、精诚合作和奉献欧洲的记录，这种奉献在今天与过去一样正当和强劲。Yes, we have looked also to wider horizonsas have othersand thank goodness for that, because Europe never would have prospered and never will prosper as a narrow-minded, inward-looking club. The European Community belongs to all its members.
26、It must reflect the traditions and aspirations of all its members. And let me be quite clear. 我们还一直在展望更广阔的前景-还有其它一些- 幸亏如此，因为欧洲过去从来没有、今后也不会作为一个心胸狭窄、鼠目寸光的俱乐部繁荣。欧共体属于它的所有成员。它必须反映所有成员的传统和愿望。请允许我进一步明确这些。Britain does not dream of some cosy, isolated existence on the fringes of the European Community. Our
27、destiny is in Europe, as part of the Community. That is not to say that our future lies only in Europe, but nor does that of France or Spain or, indeed, of any other member. The Community is not an end in itself. 英国不会梦想孤立安逸的生活在欧共体的边缘。我们的目标是融入欧洲，成为欧共体的一员。这不是说我们的未来仅仅依赖欧洲，法国的未来或西班牙的未来，确切地说，任何一个其他成员的未来都
28、不仅仅依赖欧洲。欧共体本身不是目的。Nor is it an institutional device to be constantly modified according to the dictates of some abstract intellectual concept. Nor must it be ossified by endless regulation. The European Community is a practical means by which Europe can ensure the future prosperity and security of i
29、ts people in a world in which there are many other powerful nations and groups of nations. 它也不是根据一些抽象的智力概念的要求改来改去的公共设施。它绝不能被无尽的规则僵化。欧共体是欧洲在存在很多强国和国家联盟的世界上用来保证它的人民未来的繁荣和安全务实的手段。We Europeans cannot afford to waste our energies on internal disputes or arcane institutional debates. They are no substitut
30、e for effective action. Europe has to be ready both to contribute in full measure to its own security and to compete commercially and industrially in a world in which success goes to the countries which encourage individual initiative and enterprise, rather than those which attempt to diminish them.
31、 我们欧洲人再也不能容忍把我们的精力都用于内部争斗或晦涩难懂的制度争论了。没有什么能取代有效的行动。欧洲必须准备好全身心地致力于自己的安全和在世界上进行经济和工业竞争。在这个世界上，成功只属于那些鼓励个体积极性和创业精神的国家，而不是企图扼杀这些的国家。This evening I want to set out some guiding principles for the future which I believe will ensure that Europe does succeed, not just in economic and defence terms but also i
32、n the quality of life and the influence of its peoples.fo 3 今晚，我想提出一些未来的指导原则，我认为这些原则将保证欧洲不仅在经济上和国防上成功，而且在生活质量和它的人民的影响上成功。Willing Cooperation Between Sovereign States主权国家的志愿合作My first guiding principle is this: willing and active cooperation between independent sovereign states is the best way to bui
33、ld a successful European Community. To try to suppress nationhood and concentrate power at the centre of a European conglomerate would be highly damaging and would jeopardise the objectives we seek to achieve. 我的第一个指导原则是：独立的主权国家间的志愿和自动合作是建设一个成功的欧共体的最好方法。试图压制民族性和在欧洲凝聚的中心实行中央集权有百害而无一利，会破坏我们想要达到的目标。Eur
34、ope will be stronger precisely because it has France as France, Spain as Spain, Britain as Britain, each with its own customs, traditions and identity. It would be folly to try to fit them into some sort of identikit European personality. Some of the founding fathers of the Community thought that th
35、e United States of America might be its model. 欧洲会更加强大完全是因为法国就是法国，西班牙就是西班牙，英国就是英国，各国有其自己的习惯、传统和身份。试图把这些国家拼接成某种欧洲人格是愚蠢的。有些欧共体的缔造者认为美利坚合众国可能作为它的模板。But the whole history of America is quite different from Europe. People went there to get away from the intolerance and constraints of life in Europe. They
36、 sought liberty and opportunity; and their strong sense of purpose has, over two centuries, helped to create a new unity and pride in being American, just as our pride lies in being British or Belgian or Dutch or German. 但是美国的历史与欧洲完全不同。人们去美国是为了躲避欧洲生活的桎酷和不容。他们追求自由和机会；两百多年来，他们的强烈目的感促使他们创建了新的统一和作为美国人的自
37、豪感，就像我们以作为英国人或比利时人或荷兰人或德国人为自豪一样。I am the first to say that on many great issues the countries of Europe should try to speak with a single voice. I want to see us work more closely on the things we can do better together than alone. Europe is stronger when we do so, whether it be in trade, in defence
38、 or in our relations with the rest of the world. 我是第一个说在很多重大问题上欧洲国家应该以一个声音讲话的人。我希望看到我们更加紧密地合作完成那些比我们单独做来得更好的事。我们这样做欧洲就更加强大，无论是在贸易领域、防务领域或我们与世界其他国家的关系领域。But working more closely together does not require power to be centralised in Brussels or decisions to be taken by an appointed bureaucracy. Indeed,
39、 it is ironic that just when those countries such as the Soviet Union, which have tried to run everything from the centre, are learning that success depends on dispersing power and decisions away from the centre, there are some in the Community who seem to want to move in the opposite direction. 但是国
40、家紧密的合作不要求把权力集中到布鲁塞尔或由一个指定的机构做出决定。真正具有讽刺意义的是当苏联这样一直试图什么都由中央执行的国家认识到成功依赖分散的权力和中央以外的决定时，我们共同体内有些国家却想反其道而行之。We have not successfully rolled back the frontiers of the state in Britain, only to see them re-imposed at a European level with a European super-state exercising a new dominance from Brussels. Ce
41、rtainly we want to see Europe more united and with a greater sense of common purpose. 我们没有全身而退回到英国境内眼睁睁地看着他们重新把实施来自布鲁塞尔的新统治的欧洲超级国家强加到整个欧洲。我们当然希望看到欧洲更加统一和具有更强的共同目的感。But it must be in a way which preserves the different traditions, parliamentary powers and sense of national pride in ones own country;
42、for these have been the source of Europes vitality through the centuries. 但是这必须是以保护不同的传统、议会权力和民族自豪感的方式实现；因为这些一直是多少个世纪以来欧洲生命力的源泉。Encouraging change鼓励变革My second guiding principle is this: Community policies must tackle present problems in a practical way, however difficult that may be. If we cannot r
43、eform those Community policies which are patently wrong or ineffective and which are rightly causing public disquiet, then we shall not get the public support for the Communitys future development. And that is why the achievements of the European Council in Brussels last February are so important.fo
44、 4 我的第二个指导原则是：不管多么艰难，共同体的政策必须以务实的方式解决当前问题。如果我们不能改革这些明显错误或无效的和直接导致社会不安的共同体政策，那么我们拓展共同体的未来就不能得到公众的支持。这就是为什么欧洲理事会去年二月在布鲁塞尔取得的进步如此重要。It was not right that half the total Community budget was being spent on storing and disposing of surplus food. Now those stocks are being sharply reduced. It was absolute
45、ly right to decide that agricultures share of the budget should be cut in order to free resources for other policies, such as helping the less well-off regions and helping training for jobs. 共同体的全部预算的一半用于存储过剩的粮食是不适宜的。现在这些储备大大减少了。削减农业在预算中的份额用于其它政策是正确的，如帮助不富裕地区和就业培训。It was right too to introduce tight
46、er budgetary discipline to enforce these decisions and to bring the Community spending under better control. And those who complained that the Community was spending so much time on financial detail missed the point. You cannot build on unsound foundations, financial or otherwise, and it was the fun
47、damental reforms agreed last winter which paved the way for the remarkable progress which we have made since on the Single Market. But we cannot rest on what we have achieved to date. 引入更加严格的预算原则来加强这些决定和使共同体的开销得到更好的控制也是正确的。那些抱怨共同体在财政细节上花了太多时间不得要点。你不能建立在不健全的基础上，无论是财政还是其它什么，以及去年冬天达成的、铺平了自我们建立单一市场以来取得了
48、长足进步的道路的基本改革。但是我们不能躺着我们迄今已经取得的进步上。For example, the task of reforming the Common Agricultural Policy is far from complete. Certainly, Europe needs a stable and efficient farming industry. But the CAP has become unwieldy, inefficient and grossly expensive. Production of unwanted surpluses safeguards n
49、either the income nor the future of farmers themselves. We must continue to pursue policies which relate supply more closely to market requirements, and which will reduce over-production and limit costs. 例如，改革共同体农业政策的任务就远远没有完成。当然，欧洲需要一个稳定和高效的农业。但是共同体农业政策已经变得僵化、低效和代价高昂。生产不需要的过剩产品既不能保证农民自己的收入也不能保证他们的未来。Of course, we must protect the villages and rural areas which are such an important part of our national life, but not by the instrument of agricultural prices. Tackling these problems requires political courage. The Community will only damage itself in
