1、城镇化、城乡规划及其范式既有新理论、中国实践和讨论87城 镇 化 、 城 乡 规 划 及 其 范 式既 有 新 理 论 、 中 国 实 践 和 讨 论Urbanization, Urban Planning, and Paradigms: New Theories, Chinas Practices, and Discussions张贝贝 周江评Zhang Beibei, Zhou Jiangping摘 要 ： 将 “范 式 ”的 概 念 应 用 到 城 镇 化 和 城 乡 规 划 领 域 ， 并 以 此 为 基 础 建 立 了 一 个 讨 论 框 架 。 在 此 框 架 下 ， 通 过 梳
2、理 、 回 顾 和 反 思 近 年 来 关 于 西 方 城 镇 化 和 城 乡 规 划 的 有 影 响 力 的 文 献 ， 并 审 视 相 关 中 国 实 践 ， 得 到 几 点 结 论 。 首 先 ， 这 些 文 献 能 为 中 国 的 相 关 实 践 引 入 新 的 关 注 点 和 工 作 思 路 ； 同 时 也 显 示 ， 中 国 实 践 已 经 超 越 了 西 方 的 经 验 ， 正 在 创 造 着 新 的 范 式 ； 最 后 ， 更 多 西 方 文 献 和 中 国 相 关 实 践 的 对 比 和 对 话 ， 将 为 中 国 乃 至 世 界 城 镇 化 和 城 乡 规 划 带 来 新
3、范 式 ， 这 些 新 范 式 将 有 助 于 中 国 和 世 界 更 好 地 实 现 城镇化和城乡规划的目标。Abstract: The article builds a new framework by applying the idea of paradigms to urbanization and urban planning. With this framework, it summarizes new theories from recent influential literature reviewing and criticizing western developed co
4、untries history of urbanization and urban planning and examines Chinas newest related practices. It finds that the literature can generate new areas of concern and guidelines for China; it shows that some of Chinas practices have transcended those in the western developed world and are in the proces
5、s of producing new paradigms. Thus more dialogues between the influential literature and related Chinas practices would bring about new paradigms for China and even the world. The new paradigms would help China and the world to realize a better urbanization and urban planning.关键词：城镇化；城乡规划；西方理论；范式；中国
6、；对比Keywords: Urbanization; Urban Planning; Western Theories; Paradigm; China; Comparison作者：张贝贝，日本东京大学新领域创成科学研究科可持续发展专业，硕士研究生 周江评，博士，美国爱荷华州立大学设计学院，助理教授1 IntroductionIn March 2014, the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party and the State Council of the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) issued
7、Chinas first official张贝贝 周江评88plan on urbanization - The National New-type Urbanization Plan (2014-2020). After evaluating Chinas experience since the Reform and Opening-up in 1978, this plan admits that, corrections are needed to the past experience emphasizing land urbanization while comparatively
8、 overlooking the environment and living conditions. This plan targets a human- centered and environmentally friendly new urbanization paradigm. As Chinas urbanization and urban planning are facing transition, re-examining Chinas practices is a timely issue that contributes guiding the future.Urbaniz
9、ation has reached saturation point in most developed countries. Extensive literature has reflected on the urbanization experience there, attempting to develop new theories based on that. As a later comer, are Chinas practices in urbanization simply replicating developed countries old paradigms or pr
10、oducing new paradigms? In this article we refer to those new theories to re-examine Chinas practices.We adopt Kuhns idea of paradigm to structure our analysis. Kuhn defines a scientific paradigm as universally recognized scientific achievements that, for a time, provide model problems and solutions
11、for a community of practitioners (Kuhn, 1996). We apply this idea to the field of urbanization and urban planning to build a theoretical framework.Existing literature concerning Chinas practices and western theories largely focus on theories, policies, and social phenomenon from a holistic perspecti
12、ve, however, they are insufficient in analyzing Chinas urban planning cases in detail (e.g. Zhang, 2008; Zhang and LeGates, 2009). In this article we aim to create a direct dialogue between western theories and Chinas practices. Moreover, rather than focusing on the whole of modern history of wester
13、n planning theory and Chinas post-reform practices, we seek to trace the new trends; we summary theories mainly from influential literature published after 1990s and select Chinas planning cases in the past seven years (2006-2013).This article is organized as follows. First, it explains how we apply
14、 the idea of paradigm to building a framework for the analysis. Then it describes how we select existing influential literature and Chinas urban planning cases. After that, we compare Chinas practices with the new theories under the framework - examining the similarities and differences, and discuss
15、ing what may cause them. The concluding section summarizes the comparisons and comments on Chinas future urban planning cause.2 Paradigm and Urbanization and Urban PlanningKuhns ideas of paradigm and paradigm shifts uncover the structure of scientific城镇化、城乡规划及其范式既有新理论、中国实践和讨论89revolution. According
16、to Kuhn (1996), a scientific paradigm refers to universally recognized scientific achievements that, for a time, provide model problems and solutions for a community of practitioners; paradigm shift is a change in the basic assumptions, or paradigms, within the ruling theory of science. He claims th
17、at, scientific fields undergo periodic paradigm shifts rather than solely progressing linearly and continuously; the paradigm shifts initiate new approaches for scientists to understand what they would never have considered valid before.Some researchers have applied this idea to the field of urban p
18、lanning to summarize theories and thoughts (e.g. Taylor, 1999; Zhang and LeGates R, 2009). However, no consensus on how to define paradigms in urban planning has been achieved. Of course, we do not intend to evaluate various perspectives in defining paradigms of urban planning theories. In this arti
19、cle we consider the paradigm of urban planning together with urbanization; we concentrate on three aspects: 1) goals: what kinds of cities plans intend to build; 2) values: what are the most fundamental principles in urbanization and urban planning, and 3) methods: who are the main stakeholders of u
20、rbanization and how they affect the way we urbanize.We look at the urban plans of Chinas cities and regions to examine the above three aspects of paradigms of urbanization and urban planning. Planning is the making of an orderly sequence of actions that will lead to the achievement of a stated goals
21、 or goals; written statements are the main techniques of planning (Hall and Tewdwr-Jones, 2002). To apply this description to the field of urban planning, then: urban plans as a documented product of urban planning activity; they represent the considerations of goals of urbanization and the actions
22、taken to achieve those goals. Urbanization is generally defined as a process whereby an increasing proportion of people move to and start residing in urban areas. It includes physical, social, economic, mental, and other dimensions of transition. Given that urbanization involves so many aspects, it
23、is impossible for urban planners to deal with all dimensions. Which aspects of urbanization are emphasized in the plans also reflect the values of urban planners. Undoubtedly, the methodology has some flaws since plans cannot comprehensively record all planning activities. In spite of this, as offic
24、ial documents issued by the governments, the plans provide opportunities to directly focus on the urban development issues that define cities and regions formal planning agenda in the future.We aim to trace the new trends of western theories and Chinas related practices. The books we use to summary
25、the new theories come from reading lists of courses in several urban planning programs in U.S. universities. At the risk of oversimplifying, we treat them as张贝贝 周江评90classical and influential books in the field of urban planning. Most of the books we selected were published after 1990. Regarding Chi
26、nas practices, we refer to plans winning top prizes in the National Excellent Urban and Rural Planning and Design Project Award in 2007, 2009, and 2011. This award is held by China Association of Urban Planning every two years and is highly regarded in China. As we adopt a macro and comprehensive pe
27、rspective to examine Chinas urban planning practices, we only analyze regional-level and city-level plans. In total, there are 17 plans that meet our requirements.Although the selected 17 plans only cover a tiny proportion of Chinas highly diversified urban areas, they could still be regarded as mod
28、el practices of urban planning in China-as they have won national awards,. In this sense, they represent Chinas urban planning practices to a large degree. Also, if we roughly use those plans jurisdiction areas as an spatial indicator of Chinas diversity, the 17 plans cover a wide geographical area,
29、 including western cities of Lhasa and Xian, inland cities of Chongqing and Wuhan, and cities or regions in the three major metropolitan areas leading Chinas urbanization - Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei Metropolitan Region, Yangtze river Delta Metropolitan Region, and Pearl River Delta Metropolitan Region.3
30、 New Theories and Chinas Practice3.1 Goals: what kind of cities plans intend to build?Urbanization is a complex process including transformations in physical, economic, societal, institutional, and spiritual aspects in a certain area. Plans made to promote urbanizations or a better future for a give
31、n city or region are unable to paint the whole vision of the city or regions future. Thus, the goals in the plans may be multiple but not exhaustive. In terms of examining Chinas practices, we particularly focus on how goals are defined, what they concern, and how they are prioritized and coordinate
32、d.Hall and Tewdwr-Jones (2002) illustrate several ways to define goals. According to them, some authors follow the step-by-step process strictly to develop aims: goals formulation, objectives identification, and target setting; thus their goals are abstract, generic, and broad, and usually falls to
33、the main categories of social, economic, cultural and others; while other authors formulate goals through considering areas of concerns; an example of areas of concerns includes public health, education, income, and its distribution, mobility (both physical and social), and environmental quality; th
34、en, specific and tangible objectives are resulted from these goals; these objectives are usually defined in the form of programs and projects that are capable of being executed.城镇化、城乡规划及其范式既有新理论、中国实践和讨论91Lynch (1981) poses the question of what makes a good city. He constructs a normative theory that
35、 builds the connections between human values and the spatial, physical city to answer this question. He argues that cities should be evaluated from the perspective of general performance dimensions rather than rigid standards. He specifies five such dimensions: vitality, sense, fit, access, and cont
36、rol, and concludes that all of these are achieved with justice and internal efficiency.Arguing that cities are facing deteriorating environment, Beatley (2000) indicates that cities hold the greatest hope in achieving a sustainable future. He coins the term green urbanism and uses it to describe the
37、 planning process of building a sustainable city. According to Beatley, green urbanism aims primarily to reduce the ecological footprints of cities and to change the polarity between cities and nature. His book Green Urbanism: Learning from European Cities examines cases of European cities, which he
38、 regards as some of the best practices of green urbanism. His analysis is thematically structured from four areas of concerns and pursue related goal: (1) land use and community, (2) transportation and mobility, (3) green, organic cities, and (4) governance and economy.Now we turn to Chinas practice
39、s. In this part we use the cases of Shenzhen City 2030 Development Strategy, Wuhan City Master Plan (2010-2020), Chongqing City Master plan (2007-2020), and Lhasa City Master Plan (2007-2020). We select these cases so as to cover a wide geographical range of China.We examine the statement of goals o
40、f development in the four plans. We found that across plans, goals are generic and abstract. For example, Shenzhens plan asserts that in the future, Shenzhen is a booming, sustainable, and highly praised international city, and a global city emphasizing Shenzhen-Hong Kong collaboration and joint dev
41、elopment, followed by detailed descriptions of overarching and qualitative goals. These goals are proposed from three aspects: 1) societal goals - narrowing social gap, increasing housing and employment opportunities, and improving living and working environment, so as to increase citizens sense of
42、safety and belongs, strengthen the citys sense of cohesion, and build harmonies society;2) economic goals - establishing socially and environmentally balanced industrial structure, in the future 25 years, ensuring an average annual gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate of more than 7% to reach th
43、e average level of development of the most developed cities in the world today; and 3) environmental goals - insisting on sustainable development towards an environmental-friendly and resource-saving city to achieve the balanced development between human and nature. To sum up, Shenzhen plans goals a
44、re rather obscure and often times mix张贝贝 周江评92up goals and objectives.Another similarity among the four plans is that especially economic development is prioritized. For example, in Chongqings plan, nearly the whole of goal statements is about economic development: seizing the chance of the national
45、 strategies of Open Up the West1 and revitalizing the old industrial bases, building Chongqing into a core growth pole in West China and an economic center in Upper Yangtze River Region, balancing urban-rural development, and leading West China in achieving a well-off society. Another example is Lha
46、sas plan: developing tourism and promoting the opening up of economy and trade, strengthening the construction of transportation infrastructures, achieving leap in economic and social developments, and leading the achievement of a well-off society in Tibet Autonomous Region.At last, all of the plans
47、 emphasize citys future roles at the regional, national, and even global level. Shenzhen has a slogan of becoming a pioneer sustainable global city in 2030; Wuhan proclaims to be a core city in achieving the Rise of Central China Plan2, then be ready to become an internationally recognized city; Cho
48、ngqing announces to turn itself into an important growth pole and a leader helping achieve a well-off society in West China; Lhasa mentions about its leading role in Tibet Autonomous Region.To conclude, firstly, the goals from Chinas urban planning practices are generic and board. They are similar t
49、o Hall and Tewdwr-Jones (2002)s description that tend to fall into broad categories such as social, economic and aesthetic (some of which categories may overlap). Also, the relationship between goals in each category, and between main goals and concrete sub-goals are obscure. Secondly, all cities prioritize economic development. However, they mention less about the relationship between economic development and the environment or other dimensions of goals. This completely differs from
