1、 Ethnic Groups of Europe Forthcoming Ethnic Groups of the World titles Ethnic Groups of Africa and the Middle East Ethnic Groups of North, East, and Central Asia Ethnic Groups of South Asia and the Paci c Ethnic Groups of the Americas Ethnic Groups of Europe AN ENCYCLOPEDIA Jeffrey E. Cole, Editor E
2、thnic Groups of the World Copyright 2011 by ABC-CLIO, LLC All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except for the inclusion of brief qu
3、otations in a review, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Ethnic groups of Europe : an encyclopedia / Jeffrey E. Cole, editor.p. cm. (Ethnic groups of the world)Summary: “This comprehensive survey of ethnic groups of Europe revea
4、ls the dynamic process of ethnic identity and the relationship of ethnic groups to modern states” Provided by publisher.Includes bibliographical references and index.ISBN 978-1-59884-302-6 (hardback) ISBN 978-1-59884-303-3 (ebook) 1. EthnologyEuropeEncyclopedias. 2. EthnicityEurope Encyclopedias. 3.
5、 EuropeEthnic relationsEncyclopedias. I. Cole, Jeffrey, 1958D1056.E838 2011305.8009403dc22 2011000412 ISBN: 978-1-59884-302-6 EISBN: 978-1-59884-303-3 15 14 13 12 11 1 2 3 4 5 This book is also available on the World Wide Web as an eBook. Visit www.abc- for details. ABC-CLIO, LLC 130 Cremona Drive,
6、P.O. Box 1911 Santa Barbara, California 93116-1911 This book is printed on acid-free paper Manufactured in the United States of America vContents Introduction , viiMethodology , xixA b a z i n , 1A b k h a z , 2A d y g hs , 5A j a r i a ns , 7A l b a n i a n s , 8An d o r r an s , 1 3Ar b r e s h ,
7、1 5Ar o m a n i a n s , 1 6As h k e n a z i c J e w s , 1 9Au s t r i a n s , 2 3Av a r s , 2 8Ba l k a r s , 3 3Ba s h k i r s , 3 5Ba s q u e s , 38Be la r u sia n s , 4 3Bo sn i a k s , 4 6Br e t o n s , 5 2Bu l g a r i a n s , 5 5Ca r p at h o -R us y n s , 6 1Cat a l a ns , 6 3Ch e c h e ns , 6
8、 8Ch u v as h , 7 2Cor n ish , 7 4Cor s i ca n s , 7 6Cossa c k s , 8 0C r i m ea n T a t a rs , 84Cr oa t s , 87Cy pr i o t s , G re e k , 92Cy pr i o t s , T u r k i s h , 9 5Cz e c h s , 98Da n e s , 1 0 3Da r g i n s , 1 0 7D u t c h , 1 1 0En gl i s h , 1 1 7Es to n i a ns , 1 2 3F a ro ese , 1
9、 2 9F i n n s , 1 3 1F l e m i s h , 1 3 6F r e n c h , 1 4 0F r e n c h -s p e a k i n g S w i s s , 1 4 7F r i s i a ns , 1 5 0F r i u l i a n s , 1 5 3vi | ContentsGag a u z , 1 5 9Ga l i ci a ns , 1 6 2G e o r g i a n s , 1 6 5G e r m a n -s p e a k i n g S w i s s , 1 6 9G e r m a n s , 1 7 1G
10、r e e k s , 1 7 7H u n g a r i a ns , 1 8 5I c e l a n ders , 1 9 1I n g u s h , 1 9 4I r i s h , 1 97I t a l i a ns , 20 3I t a l i a n-s p ea k i n g S w i s s , 20 9K a b a rds , 2 1 3K a l m y k s , 2 1 5K a rac h a y , 2 1 8K a re l i a ns , 2 2 0K o m i , 2 2 3K u m y k s , 2 26L a k s , 2 2 9
11、L a tg a l i a ns , 2 3 0L a t v i a ns , 2 3 2L e z g i n s , 2 3 6Li e c h t e n s t e i n e rs , 2 3 9Li t h ua n i a n s , 2 4 1L u x e m b o u r g ers , 2 4 4M ace d o n i a n s , 2 4 7M a l t ese , 25 3M a n x , 25 6M a r i s , 25 7M i n g re l i a n s , 25 9M o l d o v a n s , 26 2M o n t e n
12、 e g r i ns , 26 5M o rd vi ns , 26 9N o g a i , 2 7 3N o r w e g i a ns , 2 7 4Os se t i a ns , 2 7 9P o l es , 28 3P o ma k s , 28 8P o r t u g uese , 2 9 0R o ma , 2 9 7R o ma n i a ns , 3 0 3R o ma ns h , 3 0 8R u s s i a ns , 3 1 0S a a m i , 3 1 9S a rd i n i a ns , 3 2 1S c o t s , 3 25S e ph
13、a r d i c J e w s , 3 2 9S e r b s , 333S i l es i a n s , 3 3 9S l o v a k s , 34 1S l o v e n i a ns , 34 5S o rbs , 34 9S p a n i a rds , 3 5 1S v a n s , 3 5 5S w e des , 3 5 6T a b a s a ra ns , 3 6 1T a t a rs , 3 6 2T u r k s , 3 6 5U d m u r t s , 3 7 1U k ra i n i a ns , 3 7 3W a l l oo ns
14、, 3 7 9W e ls h , 3 8 3Contributor List, 389 Geographical Index, 393 Index, 397 viiIntroduction How to Use This Book This volume contains more than 100 descriptions of ethnic and national groups in Europe, as well as a number of sidebars highlighting related issues. Each entry provides a capsule sum
15、mary of a group followed by an account of origins and early history, cultural life, and recent developments. Collectively, the entries highlight the dynamic process of ethnicity: ethnic groups may persist for centuries, but they change and often branch into new groups or merge into other populations
16、. Driv- ing this dynamism are a number of factors, among them migration, war, religion, and, especially since the 19th century and continuing to the present day, nation- building. While most individual entries chronicle the changing fortunes of single groups, the process of ethnicity is perhaps best
17、 seen in regional context. Readers are encouraged to peruse entries covering neighboring groups, such as the Bulgarians, Macedonians, and Greeks, for example, or the Danes, Norwegians, and Swedes, to gain an appreciation for the ways ethnic and national identities are constructed and contested. This
18、 introduction discusses the concept and practice of ethnicity (and nationalism), and then addresses historic and contemporary trends in Europe. The short essay on methodology that follows this essay explains the criteria for inclu- sion in the volume. Ethnic Groups, Nations, and States It is temptin
19、g to regard ethnic groups as fixed and enduring. But ethnicity is better described as a process that combines two mutually reinforcing forms of identifi- cation. First, an ethnic group refers to a population that regards itself as a people bound by common origins, shared experience and culture, and
20、quite possibly a distinct language and religious practice. Second, this act of self-identification is always made with reference to other groups with whom the ethnic population in- teracts or shares an area or both. The setting for interethnic interaction is usually a viii | Introduction society, an
21、 orbit of patterned social relations typically framed by the political boundaries of a kingdom, nation-state, or empire. Of course, to understand any ethnic group it is important to grasp the distinct cultural content of its identity. This content can and often does change over time. New expressions
22、 and forms enrich and alter languages, people take up new live- lihoods as old industries fade, and the content and context of faith may change with the development of heresies and establishment of new orthodoxies. A pass- ing acquaintance with English history, for example, demonstrates such changes
23、. The English language gained thousands of new expressions and words with the 11th-century invasion of French-speaking Normans (themselves Frenchified Vi- kings), the English population adopted Protestantism when Henry the VIII broke with Rome, and a nation of farmers became factory workers with ind
24、ustrialization. Along each point in this historical arc, people in the country saw themselves as properly Englishthough of course more exclusive local identities or, later, the more inclusive British identity featured prominently in peoples lives too. Most of the entries in this volume demonstrate s
25、imilar processes of change and continuity in ethnicity identity and experience. Anthropologists, who study ethnicity in contemporary cross-cultural contexts, have confirmed both the fluid nature of the cultural content of group identity and the tendency of people to regard identity as fixed and invi
26、olate. Anthropologys most powerful insight, however, has been the revelation of the signal importance of interaction, or boundary maintenance, in ethnicity. It is no exaggeration to say that ethnic categories persist precisely because of interaction; far from dissolving ethnic identity, interaction
27、enacts it by publicly contrasting group membership. Distinctions between groups are frequently preserved through mutually exclusive definitions of group belonging, reinforced through prohibitions on intermarriage, for example, or restrictions on social interaction. Yet, even in the rare cases in whi
28、ch people routinely move from one group to another, distinct ethnic categories persist because new members adopt the appropriate code of behavior and self- identification. It is worth stressing that a concern for ones ethnicity is unevenly distributed. If a group is geographically concentrated in a
29、homeland, members residing along eth- nic borders are far more conscious of the requirements for publicly demonstrating adherence to their group. Likewise, individuals who frequently interact with other groups, such as traders or migrants or political leaders, are typically quite attentive to the ne
30、eds of ethnic boundary maintenance. Finally, relations between groups strongly influence the tenor of interethnic relations, including the relative poros- ity of borders, group autonomy, and the extent and forms of interaction. A group may interact easily with others and live in mixed neighborhoods
31、or regions, or they may interact rarely with others and only then hedged with restrictions. Economi- cally, a group may enjoy more or less parity with others, or possess much less or more in the way of access to valued resources and livelihoods. Politically, a group Introduction | ix may enjoy auton
32、omy in terms of decision making and dispute resolution, or it may participate on equal footing with other similar groups within the same society, or it may be plainly dominant or subordinate. The entries in this volume describe virtu- ally every possible combination of social, economic, and politica
33、l relations among ethnic groups in Europe. This volume adopts an inclusive definition of the term ethnic group . The entries to follow describe indigenous populations such as the Saami of Scandinavia, dis- persed minorities such as Jews and Roma, distinct and regionally based populations such as the
34、 Avars and Dargins in Dagestan in the southern reaches of the Russian Federation, and nationalities such as Bulgarians and Norwegians. While popula- tions such as the Saami, Roma, and Avars accord with the common usage of the term ethnic group as minority in a larger social system, the inclusion of
35、nationalities under this general rubric requires explanation. As many commentators have noted, the principal difference between ethnic groups and nationalities is that the latter are defined by a political boundary, possess the institutional forms of a nation-state (or subsections thereof), and do n
36、ot necessarily claim shared ancestry. The French, to take an oft-cited example, typically regard themselves as such by virtue of mem- bership and participation in a republic defined by political boundaries and shared political process and democratic ideals. The French state does not recognize eth- n
37、icity (or the related category of race), and individual immigrants are expected to become French by adopting the laws and customs of the land. And yet some very influential French politicians do hold essentially an ethnic (some would say racial) view of the nation. Thus, ethnic nationalists such as
38、Jean Marie Le Pen claim that certain kinds of immigrants (Muslim or dark-skinned or both) cannot become “real” French, even if they hold French citizenship. A number of other entries, for example those on successor states to the Soviet Union or the states emerging from the former Yugoslavia, also re
39、veal the contemporary power of ethnic definitions of the nation. Indeed, the journal Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity is devoted to just such questions with a geographical focus on Central Europe, the Balkans, the former Soviet Union, and Caucasus as well as the Turkic
40、world and Central Asia. Nor is the relevance of ethnicity to nationality solely contemporary. The treatment of group historya part of every entryreveals the ethnic core of many of todays nationalities, including those like the French that tend to stress their civic as opposed to ethnic nature. This
41、is not to say that all nationalities stem from ethnic cores, nor to dismiss the very real distinctions between ethnicity and nationality, or between ethnic and civic forms of national identity. It is to argue, however, that treating these diverse forms of social organization between the covers of a
42、single volume is merited, given similarities in the process of identity formation and in observable patterns of interaction. There are also educational and practical motives for this inclusive approach to ethnicity in Europe. This encyclopedia is one of several projected volumes designed to cover et
43、hnic groups around the world; all volumes share the same four-part entry x | Introduction template, the contents of which include nationalities as well as ethnic populations; and all are geared to a general readership in terms of language and presentation. Because the primary purpose of the project
44、is educational, rather than advancing a theoretical argument for a specialist readership, nationalities are included along with more conventionally defined ethnicities. Moreover, the exclusion of nation- alities would have entailed unbalanced geographical coverage, with a focus on the former Soviet
45、Union, where there are countless recognized ethnicities, for rea- sons discussed at some length below. With this volumes more inclusive approach, readers can appreciate the differences and similarities between nations and ethnic groups, as well as the contours and consequences of interactions betwee
46、n such populations. Patterns and Prospects The model and reality of the nation-state is the single most important context for understanding ethnic groups. In Europe, the model came to prominence in the 19th century, inspiring many peoples to demand independence; it was sanctified in the principle of
47、 the right to self-determination espoused by U.S. President Wood- row Wilson and utilized in the Treaty of Versailles at the conclusion of World War I; and it is given tacit support by the criteria of admission (statehood) for highly influential supranational organizations such as the United Nations
48、 and the European Union. True, several notable multinational (or multiethnic) states exist, such as Spain and the United Kingdom, as do self-consciously civic nations with recognized linguistic diversity, such as Switzerland. And it could be persuasively argued that the pure nation-state is in fact
49、a rarity. However, the notion that state- hood is the ultimate legitimate form of political organization for a given people has inspired and continues to inspire ethnic groups seeking independence (sometimes referred to as ethno-national movements). Conversely, the conviction that states should represent the interests of a people united by common culture, not to mention the evident political dividends of cultivating common cause in an era of popular democracy, has been used to justify, at least until recent decades, the promotion of national cultures as well
