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7、 bB. null H Y nullanull H Y null nulld VPnullanulld VP V nullM :1) M l , nulld null9 l M , nulld VPnull T , nulld null M l nullB 1 aA a nullb7 nulld VP V null T , nulld null M l null nullb2) Y H W , nulld VP V null B E T V 1 n ,9 Tnulld VP V null5 C q null V null M T nulld VPnullY ( C , 2008)b3) T V
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14、anull J nullanull J null , 1991 M Z ! 1983 M Y # null J nullby t s Y s , , I b B p J o b, f 5 3 I C q M M # s null H Y null null H H Y Y null H : null - + , + , V r i M , H Y + 1 H H Y Y + g B t bnull I D 2006 M l s #, b 3 2008 Q F T ( ( d #, S # 6 bd f 1985 C q M #, v bg | S 1987 #, Z bg | S I 1999
15、 C q M # (9 ), 6 b i 1992 q M M #, b+ E 1999 S : #, bF o 2001 #(9 ), v b 2010 M ( )l l # J I H ) 5 #, J # 4 b = 2000 M i l a i l M d l #, S # 1 b C 2008 nulld VP V null T null V null C ( ( Y nulld null #, S # 2 b # 2000 H Y H H Y Y #, y ! # 8 b 1999 null B null#, “ # 2 , 6 b7 o 2006 null H Y null nu
16、ll H H Y Y null#, A / # 6 b( S S 100732)511 2010 M 6 ZHONGGUO YUWENSTUDIES OF THE CHINESE LANGUAGEDecember, 2010Abstracts ofMajor Papers in This IssueZHANG Guoxian, LU Jian, The discourse function of the null zai ( ) + locationnull structureIn M andarin, the null zai + locationnull structure can app
17、ear either before or after the verb. Some researchersassume that these two constructions have the identical grammatical meaning and semantic function. This paperargues that the null zai + location + state verbnull structure highlights the state of the action, while the null stateverb + zai + locatio
18、nnull one highlights the state of the objects. Therefore, they have different pragmaticfunctions: narrative vs. depictive. From the perspective of discourse, this paper attempts to show that it is thespeakernulls motive that determines the choice of these two constructions. It finds that the null za
19、i + location +state verbnull construction expresses a foreground event, whereas the null state verb + zai + locationnull oneintroduces the location of a later event.Key words: state constructions, null zai + locationnull, state of action, state of objects, discourse functionLI Xiaojun, A diachronic
20、study of the interrogative focusThis paper shows that there is no syntactic restriction on the interrogative focus in ancient Chinese, andthe interrogative particles like ye( /5 )ayu( ) and hu ( ) can be used in all kinds of interrogativesentences. The complementary distribution between m a( ) and n
21、e( ; ) in modern Chinese is attributed to thediachronic evolution. Not only the interrogative particle m a can relocate the focus, ba( ), a nonnullinterrogativeparticle, can also relocate the interrogative focus.Key words: interrogative focus, restriction on the interrogative focus, diachronic, m a,
22、 ne.WANG Nan, Wushiwuke ( H Y ) and wushiwukebu( H Y )The combination ofw ushiwuke and the negative adverb bu ( ) constitutes a double negation structure,which expresses a relatively strong affirmation, by modifying verbs or verb structures. However, wushiw uke isequivalent to wushiw ukebu in usage
23、in modern Chinese, and there are two opposite explanations ofwushiw uke inthe current dictionaries. This paper explores the evolution ofwush iwuke and explains cause of the phenomenon.Key words: w ushiwuke, wush iwukebu, dictionaries explanationLIN Huayong, KWOK BitnullChee, The grammaticalization o
24、f the directional verbs qu ( , go) and lai( , come) and the convergence of their functions in the Lianjiang Yue dialectIn the Lianjiang Yue dialect in western Guangdong, the verbs qu ( , go) and lai ( , come) haveundergone grammaticalization. Besides functioning as directional verbs, they also serve
25、 as phase complements,dummy potential complements, aspect markers and even highly grammaticalized sentencenullfinal particles,expressing evidentiality. This paper tries to reconstruct their pathways of grammaticalization, and explain thecause of the phenomenon that these two words, originally w ith opposite meanings, become interchangeable inmost cases when they serve as sentence final particles.575 2010 M 6
